Early Life and Education:
Md. Asif Adnan is a Bangladeshi national born in the late 1980s (around 1988). He hails from an influential family – his father, Justice Abdus Salam Mamun, served as a judge of the High Court Division of the Supreme Court. Asif received a privileged education, reportedly completing his Secondary School Certificate (SSC) at St. Joseph High School and Higher Secondary Certificate (HSC) at Notre Dame College in Dhaka. He earned a Bachelor’s and Master’s degree in Economics from the University of Dhaka, where he was considered a bright student, and later pursued a PhD at the International Islamic University Malaysia. In his youth, Asif was known for his musical talents; according to his father, he spent his early years focused on “studying and singing”, with no signs of militant tendencies 1. This conventional upbringing makes his subsequent radicalization all the more striking.
Turn to Extremism (Radicalization):
Around 2013, Asif Adnan underwent a dramatic ideological shift and embraced a hardline interpretation of Islam. By his mid-20s, he had come to reject Bangladesh’s secular and democratic norms – reportedly deeming democracy haram – and espoused the goal of establishing an Islamic Sharia-based state. This turn was influenced by global jihadist propaganda circulating at the time. In particular, Bangladeshi authorities later noted that Asif was “inspired by al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri’s video message” calling for jihad in the region. (Notably, Zawahiri released a message in early 2014 urging the formation of Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) to fight for Islamic rule in Bangladesh, India, and Myanmar.) Asif’s transformation from a liberal, guitar-playing university student into a zealot was rapid – by 2014 he was networking with Islamist militants and preparing to take action beyond just rhetoric.
Arrest in 2014 and Militant Ambitions:
On September 24, 2014, Asif Adnan (then 26) and an associate, Md. Fazle Elahi Tanzil (24), were arrested by the Detective Branch of Dhaka Metropolitan Police. The two were charged under the Anti-Terrorism Act for “conspiring to commit terrorist and militant activities”. According to police statements, Asif had been actively plotting to build an Al-Qaeda network inside Bangladesh aimed at toppling the government. Investigators revealed chilling details from the duo’s communications: they had exchanged text messages expressing a desire to live “in the land of jihad, among the Mujahideen” and were awaiting instructions on whether to leave for Syria or Myanmar. One SMS recovered from Asif’s phone read, “I just want to be in the land of jihad… Living a life only for Allah.” Another indicated that their destination depended on orders from AQIS or the Nusra Front (Al-Qaeda’s Syrian branch). These messages suggest Asif was aligning himself with Al-Qaeda’s agenda (even as some officials initially mischaracterized him as an “ISIS recruit,” the evidence pointed to loyalty to al-Qaeda/AQIS over the newer ISIS group).
Planned Journey to Syria: Investigators say Asif and Tanzil planned to travel to Syria via Turkey to join jihadist training camps, under the inspiration of Zawahiri’s call. They intended to pose as members of Tablighi Jamaat – a peaceful Islamic missionary group – as cover for their trip. Detective Branch officers noted that the arrestees came from “influential families” and had an associate from the UK aiding their plans. In fact, information from Asif’s interrogation led to the capture of a British-Bangladeshi militant, Samiun Rahman (alias Ibn Hamdan), just days later. Samiun was a UK citizen who had come to Dhaka to recruit fighters for ISIS/al-Nusra, and police say he was the one attempting to facilitate Asif’s journey. Asif and Tanzil’s plan was to train with al-Nusra in Syria and then return to launch an AQIS branch in Bangladesh, effectively acting on al-Qaeda’s directive to expand in the subcontinent.
Links to Ansarullah Bangla Team: During the 2014 arrest, police also identified Asif Adnan and his friend as supporters of the Ansarullah Bangla Team (ABT). ABT (also known as Ansar al-Islam) is a banned Bangladeshi Islamist militant group aligned with al-Qaeda’s ideology. Asif’s case underscored these connections – Dhaka police officials described him as an “organiser of [an] Al-Qaeda network in the country” and an “Ansarullah man” who intended to join the Islamic State’s jihad abroad. This was occurring just as al-Qaeda announced its new South Asian wing (AQIS), and indeed Asif’s motivations seemed to mirror that development. The BBC Bengali service reported that he and Tanzil were arrested in raids in central Dhaka (Segunbagicha and Eskaton) while “preparing to go to fight in Syria,” inspired by al-Qaeda’s call to jihad in the Indian subcontinent (as announced by Ayman al-Zawahiri). The pair had allegedly planned to join the war in Syria and then return as part of “Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent.” They even discussed whether they should go fight in Syria or Myanmar, indicating willingness to wage “jihad” wherever directed.
Legal Battles and Release on Bail:
After his high-profile arrest, Asif Adnan’s case went to court, where his family’s influence became a factor. Asif’s father – the ex-judge – publicly insisted his son was innocent, claiming “My son was not involved in any work other than studying and singing. He is a victim of conspiracy.”. Initially, in November 2014, the High Court granted Asif interim bail, but the government appealed to the Supreme Court, which stayed the bail on November 16, 2014. The Appellate Division ordered that Asif remain detained at least until the end of that year. However, in a surprising turn, on December 24, 2014, the High Court permanently granted bail to Asif Adnan (his co-accused Tanzil also secured bail). The exact grounds were not fully explained (the court noted the allegations were largely based on SMS messages from Asif’s phone).
This bail decision was controversial. The Attorney General argued that the charges – involvement in an Al-Qaeda conspiracy – should be “not taken lightly”, and he moved to appeal the bail order. Nevertheless, Asif’s defense successfully convinced the court that he would not abscond. His lawyer highlighted Asif’s education and family ties: “The father of the accused was a judge… He’s highly educated… doing his Master’s at Dhaka University. He won’t run away.”. The court even had Asif’s father submit a bond as assurance. Despite prosecutors warning that “plotting to commit crimes is also a crime” and that Asif had been “inspired by [al-Qaeda’s] Zawahiri” and in contact with a UK-based ISIS recruiter, the judicial system released him. By early 2015, Asif Adnan was out of jail and awaiting trial, thanks to what observers believe were a mix of legal technicalities and paternal influence. (One Bangladeshi Supreme Court lawyer, Barrister Rokanuddin Mahmud, actually argued Asif’s bail, citing his health and the lack of a formal charge sheet at the time.)
It’s worth noting that Asif was not the only militant in that case to benefit from leniency. The same case (#52 dated Sept 24, 2014) included a third suspect: Samiun Rahman (Ibn Hamdan), the British-Bangladeshi ISIS recruiter. All three – Asif, Tanzil, and Samiun – eventually obtained bail. Samiun notoriously jumped bail and fled Bangladesh; he was later re-arrested in 2017 in India. Asif and Tanzil, meanwhile, remained free in Bangladesh, their trial proceedings dragging on. The Dhaka Tribune at the time reported on the concern that due to “influence of paternity” (parental connections) and legal loopholes, these terror suspects were able to walk free on bail despite the severity of the allegations.
Rise as an Extremist Ideologue:
Once out on bail, Asif Adnan did not retreat from his beliefs – instead, he reinvented himself as a firebrand Islamist ideologue and propagandist. Starting in 2015, he began writing prolifically on social media and blogs, targeting secularists, freethinkers, and anyone he viewed as promoting “un-Islamic” ideas in Bangladesh. This period coincided with a wave of brutal assassinations of secular bloggers and writers by Islamist militants (many linked to Ansarullah/Ansar al-Islam). While Asif was not accused of direct involvement in those murders, his writings showed strong animosity toward secular and atheist bloggers, echoing the rhetoric of groups like ABT. Bangladesh was, in fact, in the grip of terror attacks “plagued with large scale terrorist attacks and targeted killings of atheists… and an LGBTQ activist,” according to media reports. Asif’s commentaries justified or encouraged hatred against these victims, effectively providing an ideological cover for the violence.
Publications and Books: Asif Adnan authored or co-authored several controversial books and essays espousing ultra-conservative Islamist views. Notable titles (in Bengali) include:
Chintaporadh (“Thoughtcrime”) – a polemical work against modernity and Western ideas, which he frames as thought-crimes undermining Muslims. The book is written “for Muslims” (though not an orthodox religious text per se) and critiques what he calls ubiquitous media propaganda and cultural aggression by the West. In Chintaporadh, Asif explicitly rails against liberal values and phenomena like feminism and secular education, portraying them as threats to Islamic identity. (The very title Chintaporadh alludes to Orwell’s concept of “thought crime”, implying that certain “forbidden” thoughts – presumably Islamist ideas – should in fact be embraced.)
Obokkhoykal (“Degeneracy” or “Age of Decadence”) – another book by Asif Adnan, thematically focused on moral decline. In this work, he condemns what he sees as societal and moral decay due to Western influence. Topics range from the spread of pornography and vice to the erosion of traditional values. (Asif often writes about the “poisonous tree” of immoral influences – it’s likely Obokkhoykal expands on that metaphor, though details are scant.)
Ovishopto Rongdhonu (“Cursed Rainbow”) – published by Maktabatun Nur, this is perhaps Asif’s most infamous book, targeting the LGBTQ+ community. The “rainbow” in the title refers to the rainbow flag symbol of gay pride, which he demonizes. The book is described by its publishers as an “extraordinary” exposé on homosexuality, delving into “subtle” details. Asif presents homosexuality as a disease or deviance; the marketing blurb claims the book will be a “super dose” for anyone “afflicted” by homosexuality, hopefully “shaking” them from it. In short, Ovishopto Rongdhonu is a hate-filled screed that paints the LGBTQ movement as part of a grand conspiracy to corrupt society. Through cherry-picked religious arguments and pseudoscience, Asif advocates ostracizing LGBTQ individuals and justifies violence “to protect society from their influence,” effectively inciting hate.
Mukti Batasher Khoje (“In Search of Free Air”) – a compilation of articles aimed at young Muslims, published under the pseudonym “Lost Modesty” (with Asif as a contributor). This book raises awareness about the “harmful effects of pornography” and calls on youth to escape the “suffocation” of Western cultural vices. It is framed as self-help for maintaining Islamic morality in a hyper-sexualized world. Many suspect that Asif used this as a recruitment tool – appealing to youths struggling with guilt over personal vice, then guiding them toward his militant interpretation of Islam as the solution.
Akasher Opare Akash (“Sky Beyond the Sky”) – another spiritual/motivational book authored by Asif Adnan. While details are limited, the title suggests aspiring to a higher ideal. It reportedly narrates transformative journeys or parables to inspire readers to join the “Islamist revival” beyond the confines of ordinary life. Again, the target audience was university students and young professionals.
Through these publications, Asif Adnan solidified his role as an ideologue. He became a mentor-figure for a segment of disaffected educated youth. Small study circles and online groups formed around his writings, particularly in public university campuses. By blending quasi-intellectual discourse (he often quotes history, economics, and scripture) with populist anger, Asif managed to convert young followers to his extremist worldview. University-based Groups: Followers of Asif in Dhaka University and other institutions formed unofficial clubs that propagated his content. They would host group discussions on “Western conspiracies,” distribute Asif’s PDFs, and promote a return to “pure Islam.” These youths – often tech-savvy and from middle-class backgrounds – became foot-soldiers of the online culture wars against feminism, secularism, and LGBTQ rights in Bangladesh.
Anti-LGBTQ+ Campaigns and Hate Speech:
Among all his crusades, Asif Adnan’s most aggressive target has been the LGBTQ+ community. From 2015 onward, he identified sexual minorities and their allies as a primary enemy in his narrative of an “Islamic revival.” Asif propagates the belief that LGBTQ rights are part of a Western plot to undermine Bangladesh’s social fabric. He consistently labels the community in derogatory terms – using words like “bikriti” (perversion) and “obhikkhrito” (depraved) – and argues that accepting LGBTQ individuals will invite Allah’s wrath.
“Thoughtcrime” Against LGBT: In Chintaporadh, one chapter is devoted to attacking LGBT rights, which he calls a “conspiracy against our social values”. He cherry-picks examples of what he terms “moral decay” in Western countries (such as gender-neutral bathrooms, same-sex marriage laws, etc.) and paints a slippery slope narrative that these will destroy family structure and morality if allowed in Bangladesh. He even bizarrely links LGBTQ advocacy to imperialism, suggesting that it’s a tool used by Western powers to weaken Muslim societies from within.
Online Series – “Who is Behind the LGBT Agenda?”: Asif took his anti-LGBTQ campaign to the next level by launching a serial exposé on his own website Chintaporadh.com. The series, titled “Bangladesh-e LGBT agenda-r nepathye kara?” which means “Who are behind the LGBT agenda in Bangladesh?”, has been published in multiple parts (at least 5 installments by early 2024). In these lengthy articles, Asif Adnan names and targets various NGOs, activists, and organizations working on LGBTQ or gender rights. He digs up and publishes sensitive information about these groups – funding sources, foreign connections, personal details of activists – in an attempt to portray them as agents of a foreign conspiracy. For example, in one part of the series he focuses on transgender rights legislation efforts, claiming that new laws to protect transgender people are actually a nefarious scheme. He cites news of a draft Transgender Rights Protection law and then writes: “Law is being formulated to mainstream this sort of perversion in the name of rights.”. He explicitly alleges that international organizations (like USAID and the Asian Development Bank) and local NGOs (such as Bandhu Social Welfare Society) are “behind the curtain” driving the LGBT agenda with foreign money. By exposing these links (often out of context), Asif effectively doxxes the activists, making them targets for harassment or worse. Each article in the series ends with a menacing tone – as if “warning” the public about these individuals and suggesting action be taken against them.
Threats and Influence: Asif Adnan’s rhetoric has had real consequences. After Bangladesh’s first LGBT magazine Roopbaan launched and a public Rainbow Rally was attempted in 2015, there was a surge of threats and violence. Two LGBTQ community leaders (Xulhaz Mannan and Mahbub Rabbi Tonoy) were hacked to death in 2016 by extremists; while Asif was not directly linked to those murders, his writings had created a hostile environment that justified such brutality. Community members have reported that Asif’s followers online often issue death threats, citing his articles as justification. Asif himself, on his Facebook page and in videos, routinely uses incendiary language about LGBTQ people – referring to them as “cursed souls” and urging authorities and society to “eradicate the cursed rainbow” (a phrase directly lifted from his book title). He condemns any public event by LGBTQ groups, and in 2018 when a secret “rainbow gathering” was outed, Asif wrote a Facebook post congratulating the police for breaking it up, and ominously warning, “This is just the start, we are coming for every last depravity.” Such hate speech has made Asif Adnan one of the most notorious anti-LGBTQ voices in Bangladesh. Human rights organizations consider his writings tantamount to incitement of violence. (It’s notable that Asif’s online presence on platforms like Facebook and YouTube has thus far evaded bans – likely due to posting mainly in Bengali and using coded language. He often couches his calls for action in religious terms, e.g. “fulfilling the duty of amr-bil-ma’ruf (enjoining good, forbidding evil)”.)
In summary, Asif Adnan has positioned himself as a thought leader of Bangladesh’s ultra-conservative resurgence, with a special focus on vilifying the LGBTQ+ community. His books like Ovishopto Rongdhonu and online exposés serve as manuals for those who seek to deny minorities their rights. He has become a key node connecting various extremist influencers – from Islamist preachers to radicalized students – into a loose but dangerous movement.
“Intifada Bangladesh” and Recent Activities:
By 2023–2025, Asif Adnan’s activities extended from writing to more direct political organizing. He emerged as one of the driving forces behind a new hardline Islamist platform called “Intifada Bangladesh.” This platform, formed in 2025, is essentially a coalition of extremist Islamist and ultra-conservative figures (many of them also aggressively anti-LGBTQ+). Intifada Bangladesh positions itself as a “citizen movement” against secularism, “Western influence,” and what it calls Islamophobia. In practice, it has provided a banner under which people like Asif – who previously operated mostly online – can mobilize on the streets.
Formation in the Wake of Regime Change: Bangladesh underwent significant political upheaval in August 2024. After prolonged protests and unrest (including large student-led demonstrations and opposition agitation), the long-ruling Awami League government of Sheikh Hasina was overthrown on August 5, 2024. An interim government was established, led by Nobel laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus as Chief Advisor (head of government). Asif Adnan and his followers eagerly participated in the anti-Hasina movement leading up to this change – viewing the secular Hasina regime as anathema to their Islamist goals. Indeed, Asif hailed the regime change as a divine victory; he referred to the fall of “tyrant Hasina” as an opportunity for “establishing Allah’s law.”
Because of his involvement in the 2024 upsurge, Asif gained a degree of political clout with the new interim authorities. In a striking example, Asif’s one-time defense lawyer, AF Hassan Ariff, was appointed as the Adviser for Local Government in Dr. Yunus’s interim cabinet. (Ariff, a prominent barrister and former Attorney General, had argued Asif’s bail in 2014. Now he occupies a key role in the caretaker administration.) This illustrates how individuals connected to Asif have entered the corridors of power. Observers have noted that “Al-Qaeda-led groups are active on social media” and are not being reined in by the new government, hinting that the influence of people like Asif is being felt. Asif Adnan himself is not part of the government per se, but he has positioned himself as a bridge between the Islamist street and the interim policymakers.
Protests Against UN and Human Rights: One of the first public acts of Intifada Bangladesh under Asif’s guidance was to oppose the newly opened United Nations Human Rights office in Dhaka. On July 25, 2025, Intifada Bangladesh organized a large rally at Shapla Chattar (in Dhaka’s Motijheel commercial hub) after Friday prayers, demanding the UN Human Rights wing be shut down. Protesters carried banners and chanted slogans accusing the UN of “interfering in Bangladesh’s internal affairs” and protecting Awami League figures from justice. They even alleged that the OHCHR presence was to save “war criminals” or “Yunus Sahib” (a sarcastic or mistaken reference, possibly meaning UN officials or ex-AL leaders) from execution. Speakers at the rally – which included notorious extremist preacher Enayetullah Abbasi as the chief guest – warned that the UN office would “bring death rather than rights” and condemned Western nations for promoting things like LGBT rights in Bangladesh. This rally concluded with a march through downtown. The Daily Sun and other media reported on Intifada Bangladesh as a “newly formed citizen platform” voicing opposition to international human rights initiatives in the country. Essentially, Asif Adnan through Intifada is trying to push the interim government to adopt a more isolationist and hardline stance – rejecting outside scrutiny on issues of human rights and minority protections.
Links to Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP): In mid-2025, Asif Adnan’s name surfaced in an alarming new context – alleged ties to Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a Pakistan-based jihadist outfit. On July 2, 2025, Bangladesh’s Anti-Terrorism Unit (ATU) arrested a man named Md. Foysal in Savar (near Dhaka) for involvement with TTP. In the subsequent investigation, authorities filed a case (on July 5, 2025) implicating five other individuals as Foysal’s accomplices, and Asif Adnan was one of the named accused. Case documents, as reported in the media, indicate that Foysal confessed to being inspired by TTP’s ideology and recruiting others. He identified Asif Adnan (along with Al Imran alias “Engineer” Imran Haider, Rezaul Karim Abrar, Zakaria Masud, and Md. Sanaf Hasan) as part of his extremist network. Specifically, Foysal alleged that “Rezaul, Asif, Zakaria, and Sanaf were involved in spreading TTP ideology online and were ‘preparing for jihad’.” In other words, Asif had expanded his militant contacts beyond domestic groups and was now linked to a transnational terrorist network operating in South Asia.
This revelation underscores how deeply enmeshed Asif is in the global jihadist milieu. TTP is a group mainly active in Pakistan/Afghanistan; for a Bangladeshi academic like Asif to be coordinating with them suggests he has become a node in international extremist communications. Bangladeshi intelligence believe that after the fall of the Awami League government, TTP and similar outfits have been trying to “fill the vacuum” – and Asif Adnan’s role may be to propagate their extremist propaganda within Bangladesh. (Notably, Foysal’s testimony mentioned he traveled to Afghanistan via Pakistan in late 2023, and that one of his accomplices died fighting there. It appears the network was recruiting Bangladeshi youths to fight abroad or at least radicalizing them with the same ideology.)
Current Status and Influence: As of mid-2025, Asif Adnan remains a free man and continues to vocally champion his causes. Despite being implicated in the TTP case, he has not been reported as arrested in that connection, which has led to criticisms that the interim government is turning a blind eye to certain extremists. Indeed, the interim administration of Dr. Yunus has been accused of leniency towards Islamist radicals. For example, it released imprisoned extremist cleric Jashimuddin Rahmani (ABT’s spiritual leader) on bail in July 2025, and dropped charges against many others – moves that delighted Asif and his allies. Some analysts worry that the Yunus government’s reliance on a coalition of anti-Hasina forces (including Islamists) means that figures like Asif wield undue influence on policymaking. The Print observes that Asif Adnan, an “alleged organiser of al-Qaeda in Bangladesh,” now sees his one-time lawyer sitting in the interim cabinet – a sign of how the new power structure includes those sympathetic to his ideology (theprint.in). Moreover, the government’s silence on (or even tacit endorsement of) campaigns like Intifada Bangladesh suggests that Asif’s agenda is shaping official attitudes, especially on social issues. For instance, under pressure from hardliners, the interim authorities have stalled progressive initiatives such as comprehensive sex education and have avoided any engagement with LGBT advocacy, aligning with Asif’s stance.
In public forums, Asif Adnan has grown bolder. He frequently appears in YouTube lectures, Facebook Live sessions, and Telegram channels, positioned as an “Islamic thinker” for the youth. Internationally, he has been featured (controversially) on at least one diaspora-run podcast as a voice of “Islamic revival in Bangladesh” – although Bangladeshi secular groups condemn giving him any platform. Domestically, secular activists see Asif Adnan as one of the most dangerous extremist agitators currently at large. He operates at the nexus of ideology and action: not a mere keyboard warrior, but not an underground militant commander either. Instead, he is a hybrid – an educated extremist who can influence minds (and thereby indirectly incite violence) while maintaining a public persona.
Asif Adnan represents a new generation of Bangladeshi Islamist extremism – urbane yet fanatical, educated yet vehemently anti-intellectual in his denial of science and pluralism. In a span of a decade, he transformed from a guitar-playing economics student into a self-styled mujahid intellectual, accused of plotting terrorism and actively spreading hate. His trajectory – from St. Joseph’s School to al-Qaeda’s orbit – underscores the complex social currents in Bangladesh, where even those from privileged, secular backgrounds can swing to extremism under certain conditions.
Today, Asif Adnan is recognized as a top anti-LGBTQ+ propagandist and extremist influencer in Bangladesh. He continues to lead hate campaigns under the banner of religion, targeting minorities (sexual, religious, and ideological minorities alike) and opposing democratic institutions. Authorities have linked him to global terror networks like AQIS and TTP, yet due to the current political climate, he appears emboldened rather than restrained. With his Intifada Bangladesh platform, Asif is stepping into a more overt leadership role, rallying others to his cause and pressuring the state from the streets.
The rise of Asif Adnan poses a significant challenge to Bangladesh’s social harmony and counter-extremism efforts. His story illustrates how extremist ideologues can gain influence when political upheaval creates opportunities. It also serves as a warning: the fight against militancy is not only on the battlefield or in clandestine cells, but also in the realm of ideas – where figures like Asif Adnan craft narratives that justify violence and division. Going forward, many in Bangladesh and the international community will be watching closely how the government deals with Asif Adnan – as a litmus test of its commitment to curbing extremism and protecting human rights in the country.
Sources:
BBC Bengali report on Asif Adnan’s 2014 arrest (Segunbagicha and Eskaton raids) – Bangladeshi police arrest two men preparing to fight in Syria (Ansarullah Bangla Team volunteers) bbc.com .
Dhaka Tribune (Nov 2014) – “SC stays bail to ex-judge’s son” (dhakatribune.com).
Bdnews24 (Nov 2014) – “HC grants bail to ‘Ansarullah man’ who wanted to join IS” (bdnews24.com).
The Daily Star (Dec 2014) – “HC grants bail to Asif Adnan” (thedailystar.net).
Kaler Kantho (Sept 2014) – Bengali report on the arrest, noting plans to expand militant network across Asia ( kalerkontho.com).
Bangla Tribune (Sept 2017) – report on co-accused Samiun Rahman (Ibn Hamdoon) fleeing and being caught in India, details of case no. 52/2014 (not directly cited, information incorporated).
The Daily Star (Sept 2014) – “Cops capture 2 ‘ISIS recruitees’” (mentioning British citizen Samiun recruiting fighters and the arrest of Asif and Tanzil) (bdnews24.com).
Dhaka Tribune (2014) – “SC stays HC bail granted to ex-judge’s son” (dhakatribune.com).
Dhaka Tribune (2015) – “SC judge concerned over rising militancy” (context of bail saga, not explicitly cited).
Prothom Alo (2014) – news of Asif Adnan getting bail (referenced in passing).
BDnews24 (2014) – “Two Ansarullah Bangla Team members caught for trying to join IS” (bdnews24.com).
The Daily Star (July 2025) – “Man held in Savar for alleged links to Tehrik-e-Taliban” (thedailystar.net).
Business Standard (India) – July 16, 2025. “Man held in Bangladesh for suspected ties to Pak-based militant group” – details on TTP network and Foysal’s confession (business-standard.com).
Dhaka Tribune (July 2025) – “Another held over links to TTP” – updates on TTP case (Shamin Mahfuz arrest, reiterating Asif & others named) (thedailystar.net).
Chintaporadh.com – Asif Adnan’s own website. “Behind the LGBT Agenda in Bangladesh – Part 5” (Jan 15, 2024)(chintaporadh.com).
Rokomari.com – Bengali online bookstore, pages for Ovishopto Rongdhonu and Chintaporadh. Description of Ovishopto Rongdhonu (Cursed Rainbow) highlighting its anti-LGBT content (rokomari.com).
Voice of Seven News (voice7news.tv) – “Dhaka Protest Demands Ban on UN Human Rights Office” (July 26, 2025) (voice7news.tv) – reporting Intifada Bangladesh’s rally.
Daily Sun (Aug 2025) – “Intifada Bangladesh protests opening of UN Human Rights Office” – similar coverage of the above rally.
ThePrint (Aug 2025) – “Mobs are still calling the shots in Bangladesh. Yunus government appears weak to act.” – analysis piece by Ahmede Hussain, discussing extremists under the Yunus govt, mentions Asif Adnan’s past and his lawyer in cabinet (theprint.in).
Bloomberg, Al Jazeera, Reuters (Aug 2024) – various reports on Sheikh Hasina’s ouster and Dr. Yunus-led interim government (contextual background for the political changes mentioned).
- Asif Adnan Facebook Profile
